Kabaja Yaadannoo Guyyaa Gootota Oromoo 2015: Konya ABO fi Hawaasa Oromoo...

Kabaja Guyyaa Gootota Oromoo 2015 (Switzerland)

Ethiopia: Arrests Upstage Kerry Visit

9 Bloggers, Journalists Held Before US Official Arrives

(Nairobi, April 28, 2014) – The Ethiopian authorities should immediately release six bloggers and three journalists arrested on April 25 and 26, 2014, unless credible charges are promptly brought, Human Rights Watch said today.

United States Secretary of State John Kerry, who is scheduled to visit Ethiopia beginning April 29, should urge Ethiopian officials to unconditionally release all activists and journalists who have been arbitrarily detained or convicted in unfair trials, Human Rights Watch said. The arrests also came days before Ethiopia is scheduled to have its human rights record assessed at the United Nations Human Rights Council’s universal periodic review in Geneva on May 6.

“The nine arrests signal, once again, that anyone who criticizes the Ethiopian government will be silenced,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The timing of the arrests – just days before the US secretary of state’s visit – speaks volumes about Ethiopia’s disregard for free speech.” 

On the afternoon of April 25, police in uniform and civilian clothes conducted what appeared to be a coordinated operation of near-simultaneous arrests. Six members of a group known as the “Zone9” bloggers – Befekadu Hailu, Atnaf Berahane, Natnael Feleke, Mahlet Fantahun, Zelalem Kibret, and Abel Wabela – were arrested at their offices and in the streets. Tesfalem Weldeyes, a freelance journalist, was also arrested during the operation. Edom Kassaye, a second freelance journalist, was arrested on either April 25 or 26; the circumstances of her arrest are unclear but all eight individuals were apparently taken to Maekelawi Police Station, the federal detention center in Addis Ababa, the capital.

The police searched the bloggers and journalists’ offices and homes, reportedly with search warrants, and confiscated private laptops and literature. On April 26, another journalist, Asmamaw Hailegeorgis of Addis Guday newspaper, was also arrested and is reportedly detained in Maekelawi. 

The detainees are currently being held incommunicado, Human Rights Watch said. On the morning of April 26, relatives were denied access to the detainees by Maekelawi guards, and only allowed to deposit food.

Human Rights Watch released a report in October 2013 documenting serious human rights abuses, including torture and other ill-treatment, unlawful interrogation tactics, and poor detention conditions in Maekelawi against political detainees, including journalists. Detainees at Maekelawi are seldom granted access to legal counsel or their relatives during the initial investigation phase.

The Zone9 bloggers have faced increasing harassment by the authorities over the last six months. Sources told Human Rights Watch that one of the bloggers and one of the journalists have been regularly approached, including at home, by alleged intelligence agents and asked about the work of the group and their alleged links to political opposition parties and human rights groups. The blogger was asked a week before their arrest of the names and personal information of all the Zone9 members. The arrests on April 25, 2014, came two days after Zone9 posted a statement on social media saying they planned to increase their activism after a period of laying low because of ongoing intimidation.

A Human Rights Watch report in March described the technologies used by the Ethiopian government to conduct surveillance of perceived political opponents, activists, and journalists inside the country and among the diaspora. It highlights how the government’s monopoly over all mobile and Internet services through its sole, state-owned telecom operator, Ethio Telecom, facilitates abuse of surveillance powers. 

Kerry is scheduled to meet with Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and Foreign Minister Tedros Adhanom in Addis Ababa “to discuss efforts to advance peace and democracy in the region.” Kerry should strongly urge the Ethiopian government to end arbitrary arrests, release all activists and journalists unjustly detained or convicted, and promptly amend draconian laws on freedom of association and terrorism that have frequently been used to justify arbitrary arrests and political prosecutions. The Obama administration has said very little about the need for human rights reforms in Ethiopia, Human Rights Watch said.

“Secretary Kerry should be clear that the Ethiopian government’s crackdown on media and civil society harms ties with the US,” Lefkow said.  “Continued repression in Ethiopia cannot mean business as usual for Ethiopia-US relations.”

Source: HRW

Waamicha Walgahii WWDO Dargaggoota Oromoo DMV maraaf

Waldaan Walgargaarsa Dargaggoota Oromoo (WWDOn) yeroo muraasaaf quunnamtii/hojii sadarkaa koree gidduu qofaatti daangessee ture xumureee hamilee haarawaan hojii isaa idlee itti fufuuf qophii isaa raawwatee jira.

Akkuma kanaan, koreen gidduu WWDO walgeettii gaafa 04/13/2014 adeemsiseen hojii boonsaa fi bu’uuraa kan dargaggootaa fi uummata Oromoo walitti fiduu fi Network ijaaruu WWDOn hojjechaa ture caalatti itti fufuun barbaachisaa waan ta’eef haalawwan ittiin hamilee miseensota keenyaa fi dargaggoota Oromoo jabeessinuu fi humneessinu irratti tooftaa harawaan itti adeemuuf waan saganteessineef waamicha goonee karoora kana miseenotaa WWDO fi dargaggoota Oromoo (harawaa) naannoo kana jiraataniif ibsuun barbaachisa akka ta’e irratti walii galuudhaan murteessinee jirra.

Kanaaf, dargaggooti Oromoo naannoo Washington, DC, Maryland fi Virginia jiraatttan hundi Dilbata gaafa Caamsaa 11, 2014 guyyaa keessaa sa’aa 6:00w.b. irraa kaasee sagantaa addaa fi miseensas ta’e kanneen harawaa dhufuu malan hirmaachisu waan saganteesineef qophii kana irratti hirmaachuudhaan dammaqiinsaan waan dhimma mataa keenyaa irratti qooda fudhannee hojii ijaarsaa fi humneessa dargaggootaa naannoo kanaa fuunduratti akka furguggifnu kabajaan isin haffeerra.

Asumaan fedhii waliif biramachuu, yaadaa gamtaa uumuu fi hafuura tokkumaa ummata keenya keessatti hundee jabeeffachaa jirullee nuti dargaggooti yeroo itti caalatti jabeessinu irratti waan argamnuuf dirqama lammummaa keenya illee karaa itti ba’uu dandeennu akka yaada waliif hirru irra deebine waamicha lammummaa isiniif dhiyeessaa, rakkoolee ummati keenyaa fi biyyi teenya Oromiyaan yeroo ammaa keechatti argamtu ilaalchisees mariin ni gaggeeffama.

Bakki: Waajjira Jarmiyaa Hawaasa Oromoo
6212 3rd St NW
Washington, DC 20011
Bilbilli: 202-705-6585
Guyyaa: Dilbata Caamsaa 11, 2014 ykn 05/11/2014
Sa’a: 6:00 w.b.irraa kaasee

Dargaggoon Oromoo Irree Oromiyaati!!
Koree Gidduu WWDO

Iccitii “Master planii” TPLF isa 2ffaa.

Ebla 28, 2014

Marsaa 1ffaa; Tooftaa magaalaa finfinnee babaldhisuu jedhuun jiddu gala Oromiyaa (Showaa) handhura Oromiyaa keessaa addaan kutanii maqaa biraa itti moggaasuun bulchiinsa “Federaala TPLF” jala galchuudha, kana jechuun Oromiyaan jiddu galli keessaa citee inni afe baha Oromiyaa fi Lixa Oromiyaa addaan qoodama jechuu dha. Aadaan Oromoo, afaan Oromoo qabeenyi Oromoo qaama kabiraa tiin dhuunfama jechuu dha. Haalli kun ilmaan Oromoo biyya alaa fi biyya keessa jirtaan mormii guddaa akka kaasan taasisee jira.

Marsaan 2ffaa; Akkuma Finfinnee kana magaalaa Oromiyaa adda addaa akka malee babaldhisuu dhaan bulchiinsa “Federaala TPLF” jala galchuu dha. Oromiyaa qofaa otoo hin taa’iin magaalaa sabaa fi sab-lammootaa hundaa keessatti tooftaa dhuma wal-fakkaatu hojiirra oolchuu dha. Tooftaan “Master planii” 2ffaa kun magaalaa sabaa fi sablamootaa hundayyuu bulchiinsa federaalaa jala galchuu dhaa, nannawa albuuda adda addaa qabu bulchiinsa naannolee harkaa fuudhanii bulchiinsa federaala/TPLF jala galchuudha. Akkuma walii galaatti Bulchiinsi Godina Tigiray magaalaa Addis Maqalee jedhuun babaldhatee, hanga daangaa Somalia, Sudan, Kenya fi Djibouti tti fulla’a. Bifuma wal-fakkaatuun magaalaa Asab ammatee hanga Galaanaa diimaa tti fulla’a jechuu dha. Mapiin armaan gadi tti maxxane iccitii “Master planii” TPLF isa 2ffaa kan saaxiluu dha. Egaa dubbiin kun Oromiyaa qofaa otoo hin ta’iin sabaa fi sab-lammootaa Itoopiyaa keessa jiran hunda kan rifachiisuu fi kan mirgaaf isaan kakaasuu dha.

Ethiopia detains bloggers and journalist

Security forces arrest six bloggers and a journalist in latest crackdown on opposition voices.

April 26, 2014 (Al Jazeera) — The Ethiopian government has arrested six independent bloggers and a journalist in what human rights group Amnesty International has called a “suffocating grip on freedom of expression”.

Six members of independent blogger and activist group ‘Zone 9’ and a prominent Ethiopian journalist were arrested on Friday in the capital Addis Ababa.

All six bloggers were arrested at night by armed security forces and taken from their homes to the Federal Police Crime Investigation Sector ‘Maikelawi’, where political prisoners are alleged to be held in pre-trial, and sometimes arbitrary detention.

The Zone 9 group who are said to be very critical of government policy and have a strong following on social media had temporarily suspended their activities earlier this year after accusing the government of harassing their members.

Journalist Tesfalem Waldyes who writes independent commentary on political issues for a Ethiopian newspaper was also arrested.

According to Ethiopian journalist Simegnish Yekoye, Waldyes is being denied visitation by friends and family and it’s unclear what prompted his arrest and what charges he is being held under.

Simegnish Yekoye told Al Jazeera she was unaware of why the government had clamped down on journalists and their was growing fear on the future of a free press.

“I am very scared, I don’t know what’s going to happen next,” she said.

Ranked 143 in the 2014 Reporters Without Borders press freedom index, media watchdogs say 49 journalists fled the country between 2007 and 2012 to evade government persecution.

Human rights group Amesty International criticised the arrests, saying “these arrests appear to be yet another alarming round up of opposition or independent voices”.

“The Ethiopian government is tightening its suffocating grip on freedom of expression in a major crackdown which has seen the arrest of numerous independent, critical and opposition voices over the last two days”, Claire Beston, Ethiopia researcher at Amnesty International, said.

Al Jazeera’s Mohammed Adow reporting from Bahir Dar said it was unclear what will happen to the detained journalists.

“There are scores of journalists currently serving between 14 and 27 years in prison with some charged on terrorism offences.”

Source: Al Jazeera

Oromo Students Nonviolent Movement at Wallaggaa University Against Eviction of Oromo Farmers from Finfinnee Surrounding and Expansion of Addis Ababa

April 26, 2014 (Oromo Free Speech) – Oromo students’ nonviolent protests are underway at Wallaggaa University against the plan (called the Addis Ababa Master Plan) to evict millions of Oromo farmers and dispossess them of their land in Oromian districts surrounding Finfinnee under the pretext of the “urban development of Addis Ababa.”

According to published data, under the current TPLF regime, Addis Ababa has expanded by ~400% since 1991 (from ~13,763.3-ha in 1991 to ~52,706.2-ha in 2014 – see data here); even though the Oromiyaa Region is a federally constituted state, it continues to be annexed by the Habesha government of Addis Ababa.

Political analysts have stated recently that the current Addis Ababa Master Plan will potentially divide the Oromiyaa Region into two by the proposed plan’s annexation of Central Oromiyaa by Addis Ababa, and the subsequent eviction of the Oromo farming communities in Central Oromiyaa under the pretext of “industrial zones.” There are at least 8 industrial zones all over Oromiyaa, such as the Malka Jebdu area under the Dire Dawa Industrial Zone, the Ambo Industrial Zone, the Chinese-owned Bishoftu Eastern Industrial Zone – which is slated to extend all the way to Asella in Arsi Zone of Oromiyaa in the coming few years. In long run the federal state is annexed to Amhara region.

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FDG Qeerroo Bilisummaa Yuuniverstii Amboo Ebla 25 2014

falmii diddaa garbummaa ilmaan oromoo university haramaya !

Hidhamuu Barattoota oromoo Yuuniversitii Jimmaa Irraa

Ebla 22, 2014

Yakka tokko malee barattoota oromoo gaaffii mirgaa miidhaa uummata oromoof jecha gaafataniin barattoota hidhaman maqaan isaanii armaan gaditti tarreeffamanii fi kannee hordofamaa jiran ammo hedduudha ammallee itti fufiinsaan kan nu gahu siif dhaama kan hidhamani jiran kunooti.

1.Darragaa Abdiisaa-Civil Engineering waggaa 3ffaa
2.Kaneeddin-Civil Engineering waggaa 3ffaa
3.Abdii Turaa-Low waggaa 5ffaa
4.Dhaabasaa Jaatamaa-Veternary Medicine waggaa 6ffaa
5.Mo’iboon Baqqalee-Health Officer waggaa 2ffaa
6.Leejjisaa Alamaayyoo-Water Engineering waggaa 3ffaa
7.Derejjee Teffaayee-Chemistiry waggaa 3ffaa

Isaan kuni kan hidhaman yoo tahan barattootni oromoo jilmaatti hordofamuudhaan poolisa wayyaaneen qabamaa jiru,gaaffiin barattootaa fi diddaan jabatee kan itti fufee jiruudha,sochiileen yuuniversitii Mattuu,Wallaggaa,Amboo,Adaamaa fi Haromayyaatti jabaataa jira,haalli jiru baayee sodaatamaadha,kan barattoota Adaamaa gaaffiin keenya yeroo darbee nuuf deebi’aa hin jiru jedhuun ammoo hirira itti fufuudhaaf qophii irra jiru,barattootni oromoooo magaalaa Adaamaa mana barumsaa sadarkaa 1ffaa fi 2ffaa akkasuma qophaayinaa baratan gaaffiin barattoota oromoo yuuniversitii irraa gaaffii keenya jedhanii barattoota mooraa yuuniversitii duukkaa hiriiruuf waraqaa garagaraa barreessuun mana barumsaa adda addaatti maxxansaa jiru itti fufeen siif dhaama haala jiru.
Ni Moona!

Yaadannoo Guyyaa Gootota Oromoo Oslo Norway Ebla 15, 2014

Barattooti Oromoo Uni Adaamaa 20 ta’an Kabajaa Yaadatnoo Anooleef Osoo Deemanii Isin ABOn dha Sababa Jedhuun Hidhaman

Ebla 9, 2014, Adaamaa (Qeerroo) — Dargaggoonni seenaa dhugaa dhaale,kutannoo fi murannoo onnee irraa madden seenaa Oromoo irraa kanneen hubatnaa gahaa qaban ilmaan Bilisummaa Oromoo fi Walabummaa Oromiyaaf boqonnaa hin qabne   seenaan bu’ura hundaa ta’uu isaa warri adda durummaan beekaan Yaaddannoo wareeggamtoota haadhoo fi abboolee(Anoolee)f jecha Adaamarraa hanga Aanoleetti lafoo deemsa taasisaniin km 66 miilaan(lafoo) kanneen kabajaaf deeman 120 keessaa barattoota Oromoo 20 mootummaan Wayyaanee hidhaatti galche.

Kanneen keessaa 17 shamarree Oromoo yeroo ta’an,Yaadatnoo Anooleef jecha amna dheeraa miillaan deemuun gochaa hammeenya diinaa yeroo yaadatan,bakka kabajaa sanii gahuuf km 9 duwwaan yemmuu isaan hafu bulchiinsa magaalaa Heexosaa aanaa Heexosaa Itayyaatti qabanii kaayyoo kamabajaa Anooleef jecha miillaa luqa’anii dhiigaa kanneen achi gahan keessaa nama 20 alaabaa ABO qabattanii jirtu sababa jedhuun dabarsanii loltoota Wayyaaneetti kennan.

Haalli kun akkaataa itti raawwate guutuun isaa,  Dargaggoonni kuni guutummaan isaanii magaalaa Adaamaa irraa kan ta’aan yemmuu ta’an gartokkeen isaanii Yuuniveersitii Adaamaa irraa fi gartokkeen immoo magaaluma adaamaa irraa barattoota koollajjii fi jiraattota,akkasumas  ijoollee gumii  adda addaa irraatii walitti qabamaniidha.  Ka’umsi  deemsa kanaa Gumii  GADAA’O   kan gidduu gala bashaannana dargoogata oromoo ganda 14 magaalaa adaamaatti argamuun kan qindaa’ee yemmuu ta’uu dura ta’aan Gumichaa HUHAABBAA HUSEEN  beekamtii deemsi kuni karaa nagaa’a jedhuun bulchiinsa magaalaa irraa waraqaa baasisee ture wanna jedhamuun  beeksisni bahee gaafa  jimaataa sa’aa 10 irratti manaa POOSTAA magaalaa adaamaa irraa deemsa kan eegale  dargaggoota 120 kanneen keessaa durboota 17 yemmuu ta’an. erga magaalaa DHEERAA  AANAA DODDOTAA geenyee gareetti wal buusee  namooni 20 kophaatti bahanii karaa qaxxaamuraa kan deemaan yemmuu ta’an isaan kunneen ilaalcha adda fi ergama biraa qabu jechuun qoqqobbiin kan ka’ee alaabaa ABO FI Waraqaa baadiyyaa keessa rabsaa deemuufi nurraa adda bahan kan jedhuun basaastoni deemsa dadhabbii guddaa gaafate kana kan karaa dabarsan yemmmuu ta’u maqaan ijoollota kanaa

1. Addunyaa keessoo…….Yuuniversitii saayinsiifi teeknoloojjii adaamaa
2. Walabummaa Dabalee              >>
3. Taaddasaa Abbabaa                    >>
4. Hirphaa Nagaasaa                      >>
5. Barsiisaa dassaalenyi                 >>
6. Mokonnin kabbadaa                 >>
7. Seefuu Baacaa                           >>
8. Hurrumaa  Bashaadaa              >>
9. Ayyaanaa Tafarraa                    >>
10. Ayyaantuu…..kophee malee ishee km 66 deemte yemmuu taa’u  filmii caayaa piroomoshinii adaamarraa
11. Eebbisaa  Margaa      filmii caaya piroomoshinii irraa
12. Caaltuu  Nugusee      barattuu koolloojjii riftii vaalii
13. Iftuu         jiraattuu magaalaa adaamaa
14. Ifaabaas   jiraataa magaalaa
15. Bilisummaa    jiraataa magaalaa adaamaa
16. Baay’isee barattuu koollajjii baalata’oo
17. Milkoo  Milkeessaa barattuu kollajjii riftii vaalii
18. Gammachiisaa Dhaqqabaa Waariyoo Mucaan kuni basaastummaa kan ergame ta’uun irra gahame fi bakkeen isaa kan hin beekamnee dha
19. Gammachuu jiraataa magaalaa adaamati
20. Esheetuu  jiraataa magaalaa adaamati

Namoonn  20n kuni galgala sa’aa   1 halkaan keessa gaafa sanbat duraa kan qabanii tooftaadha hidhamanii harka wayyaanee bulaniidha  Aanolee erga miilaan gahanii booddee  namoonni 100 bulchiinsi magaalaa simannaa godheefi malaan kan karaa bulcheedha akka isaan achin geenyeef,isaan kunnen kan hedhamaniif ijjoollota 20 nu duukaa dhufan bakka itti hiitanii fuunu malee hin deemnu  waan jedhaniif kan hidhaman. sababni hidhaameef waa tokkollee hin beekkamne akkamitti lafoo dhufatanii sin shakkamtoota bosonaa dhuftaan alaabaa qabduu waraqaa qabatanii eebbaa siidaa kanaa gufachiisuufi waan jedhu duwwaattu afaani isaan bahaa.Akkaataa kanaan guyyaan yaadannoo sun xumuramee jira.

Maddi Oduu: Qeerroo

AANOLEE: ‘A TRAGEDY ON WHICH ETHIOPIAN SOURCES ARE SILENT’

April 8, 2014 (OPride) – Hundreds of thousands gathered in Hetosa, Arsi zone of Oromia, the largest of Ethiopia’s nine federal states, for the unveiling of the Aanolee Cultural Center on April 6, 2014, local media reported.

The cultural center houses the Oromo Martyrs’ memorial monument, an ethnographic museum and a mural. Standing several inches on top of a tomb, the monument shows a severed hand stretched upward holding a women’s breast. It is erected as a tribute to the Arsi Oromo whose hands and breasts were mutilated by 19th century Ethiopian emperor Menelik II.

Located 150kms from the capital Addis Ababa, Aanolee is a site steeped in Oromo history. As Madda Walaabuu stood as the cradle and greatness of the Oromo, Aanolee came to represent it’s humiliation. For centuries, the Oromo were organized under an egalitarian Gadaa system. It was at Aanolee that power transfer took place among generations of Arsi Abba Gadaa leaders under Odaa Rooba, one of the five Gadaa Oromo assemblies.

In late 19th century, roughly at the same time as the scramble for Africa, emperor Menelik II set out to forcibly incorporate independent Oromo territories into his “nascent empire.” Having conquered the Wollo, Tulama and other Oromo tribes, Menelik faced a fierce resistance from the Arsi.

The Arsi were not new to their Amhara neighbors to the north. In their encounters in battle, the Arsi did not consider their future nemesis to be much of a contender. The Arsi had, as they still do, much respect, both in war and in peace, for their southern neighbors – particularly the Sidama known for their fiercely warrior tradition. Besides, the Amhara did not know how to ride horses and the Arsi did not see any reason to be worried about loosing in battle to them. When news came that an invading army was arriving, the Arsi simply asked, “Is this the Sidama?” When told it was not, the Arsi scoffed, lowering their guards.

When Menelik’s Shoan army, equipped with modern firearms acquired from western powers, arrived in the 1880s, the Arsi was in for a rude surprise. Buoyed by a tradition that bestowed Wayyooma (an almost sacred high honor) accorded to those distinguished in war as in peace, the Arsi waged a valiant war of resistance. The Arsi repeatedly ambushed and kept Menelik’s forces at bay for six years between 1980-86 — winning all 38 running battles. In one instance, in 1985, after Arsi warriors wiped out his elite imperial guard in a nightly ambush at the battle near Mount Albasso at Doddota, Menelik fled to save his life, leaving behind his wife and Negarit (the imperial drum). Menelik’sremaining soldiers, awed by the bravery of their opponents, snug: Doddota ye wandoochu bootaa (Doddota land of the brave).

On Sep. 6, 1886, at a place called Azule, Menelik’s state of the art armaments outmatched the spears and shields of the ferocious Arsi fighters. After in a single day an estimated 12,000 Oromo fighters, faced off against a superior force led by Shoan general Ras Darge, perished, an armistice was declared. The Arsi then “suspended their struggle to save whatever could be saved,” according to Oromo historian Abbas H. Gnamo, author of a recently published book, “Conquest and Resistance in the Ethiopian Empire, 1880-1974 – The Case of the Arsi Oromo.”

But the suspension of open hostility did not end Menelik’s apetite to crush and humiliate the Arsi. In 1887, the Shoan forces came back to avenge their repeated defeat at the hands of local Oromo fighters and to terrorize the remaining populace into total submission. Ahead of a schedule Buttaa event, a power transfer ceremony under the Gadaa system, Ras Darge called for a meeting to “make peace” with the Arsi and “deliberate” on future administrative matters. Thousands gathered at Aanolee. Aanolee was strategically chosen because it was a symbolic site of Arsi power and what is reverently referred to as Arsooma, a custom by which the Arsi Oromo settled inter or intra clan disputes — the super glue that held the Arsi tightly together.

- For Full Content Opride

ETHIOPIA’S BORDERLESS CYBERESPIONAGE

by Felix Horne

Chinese- and European-made spyware is enabling Addis Ababa to silence dissent

April 8, 2014 (Al Jazeera) — I met Abdi (not his real name), a 32-year-old primary school teacher from Ethiopia’s Oromia region, last July while in Nairobi. Abdi had been arrested a year earlier in his hometown for organizing a protest against local government corruption. He was already under the eye of Ethiopian security officials because he refused to provide information on the activities of his students to local authorities.

Over the course of two weeks in detention, Abdi was repeatedly beaten and accused of belonging to the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which originated in nationalist movements fighting for increased autonomy in the 1960s. The Ethiopian government considers the OLF a terrorist organization and uses the threat of an armed struggle to justify repression of ordinary Oromos, who constitute Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group.

The harassment continued after Abdi was released. Eventually, like thousands of other Ethiopians, he felt compelled to flee to Kenya, leaving behind his wife and two children. After some time in Kenya he called home and spoke to his wife, who told him that security officials had been harassing her since he left. That was the last time he spoke to her.

Abdi later learned from neighbors that security officials came to their house hours after his call, demanding to know who was calling her from Kenya and accusing her of being in contact with rebel operatives there. He no longer calls Ethiopia and does not know the whereabouts of his family.

Abdi’s story is not unique. In the last two decades, tens of thousands of Ethiopians have fled their country because of government repression or limited economic opportunities. Most of these migrants, especially those living in neighboring African countries, fear that if they communicate with their families back home, their calls will be traced and their relatives will face repercussions. As new research by Human Rights Watch shows, their fears are well founded. The fear that permeates the lives of many inside Ethiopia has been successfully exported to other countries.

Ethiopian expats, including those living in the United States, have become targets of Addis Ababa’s global espionage.

The state-run Ethio Telecom is the sole provider of phone and Internet services in Ethiopia. The Chinese telecom equipment and systems company ZTE is helping Ethiopia modernize its telecommunications infrastructure. The Ethiopian government uses a Chinese-developed telecom system to monitor and control the communications of its citizens and to silence dissenters both in Ethiopia and abroad. Security officials have unlimited access to the phone records of everyone in the country who owns a phone. During abusive interrogations, security officials often play back recorded phone calls to people in their custody. Those calling or receiving calls from foreign numbers are particularly at risk of reprisals by a government keen to punish those it considers a threat.

But Ethiopia goes even further to monitor dissenting voices outside its borders. The government has acquired and is using commercially available European-made spyware — namely the U.K.- and Germany-based Gamma International’s FinFisher and the Italy-based Hacking Team’s Remote Control System — to monitor dissenters in other countries, effectively extending its surveillance capabilities far beyond its borders. These tools provide security and intelligence agencies with full access to files and activity on an infected target’s computer. They can log keystrokes and passwords and switch on a device’s webcam and microphone, turning a computer anywhere in the world into a listening device. Ethiopian expats, including those living in the United States, the United Kingdom, Norway and Switzerland, have become targets of this global espionage.

In late 2012, security officials detained the wife of Yohannes Alemu, a Norwegian citizen and member of a banned opposition group, as she was visiting family in Addis Ababa. They questioned her about her husband’s political connections. Then the security officials demanded information from Yohannes via phone and email about his opposition party colleagues. He refused; after 20 days his wife was finally released and returned to Norway.

But the incident did not end there.

One of the emails he received contained an attachment infected with FinFisher spyware. Once he had downloaded this spyware, the Ethiopian security agencies had unfettered access to all the information on his computer.

While people around the world are right to be shocked by former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden’s revelations of mass surveillance by the U.S. government, they should also be concerned that repressive governments such as Ethiopia’s are purchasing and using advanced technologies to target independent voices beyond their borders. The export and use of these European-made commercial products remains virtually unregulated. This is particularly worrying given that evidence exists that similar technologies may be in the hands of authoritarian regimes throughout the world.

These technologies enable repressive governments to monitor dissenting voices in other countries — even in countries where privacy rights are stronger and legal protections are in place to limit state-sponsored surveillance.

The United States, European Union and other donors that together provide an estimated $4 billion in annual aid to Ethiopia should take concerted steps to stop this abuse. They should support global efforts to regulate the export and use of such technologies to governments with poor human rights records. African governments should also speak out and make it clear to Ethiopia that it is an infringement on basic rights to use these technologies to spy on citizens outside of Ethiopia’s borders — people who are all too often seeking protection from repression back home.

Felix Horne is an Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch and co-author of a new report, “‘They Know Everything We Do’: Telecom and Internet Surveillance in Ethiopia.”

Source: Aljazeera

Abusing Legitimate Refugees Is Violation of Human Rights and International Conventions

April 7, 2014

OLF statement regarding the Oromo refugees in Kenya

Citizens flee their own countries for different reasons. Some of the causes are short term incidents while others are long term, requiring radical solutions. Natural calamities like drought, flood, earthquake and the like; and man-made causes like civil war, economic and political crises can force people to flee their own countries. Everyone wants to return to one’s own country once the cause for the flight is solved. Of the huge number of the current refugee in the Horn of African countries the Oromo predominates. The majority of them fled their country for none other than a deep-rooted political crisis that cannot be solved overnight. They apparently began this flight, right after the conquest during the last century,to save their lives and human dignity. Thus the Oromos have managed to survive in all the neighbouring countries for a long time. The OLF likes to express its gratitude to the countries that had harboured these refugees for such a long time. However, some developments of the last two decades are worrisome.

After building special relation with the current regime in Ethiopia the neighbouring countries have repeatedly violated the rights of these refugees who are recognized by appropriate UN agencies to be accorded proper protection. The fact that such acts, which have been reported by different human rights agencies, are perpetrated by the security and armed forces of these countries, have spread terror among the refugees.

Out of hundreds of thousands of refugees registered by the UNHCR in Kenya, Oromos constitute a big chunk. Many of such legitimate refugees in general and the Oromo in particular have been constantly maltreated, forcefully returned to the regime that they fled, robbed of their belongings and shockingly harassed. A case in point is an incident on April 5, 2014 when Kenyan armed forces broke into the houses of Oromo refugees beat them up, robbed them of their properties and detained them in mass while many disappeared. No tangible effort of the UNHCR to protect these refugees was observed.

The OLF requests the Kenyan government to immediately halt this recurring vicious abuse of legitimate refugees in general and the Oromo refugees in particular, release those detained, return their robbed properties and provide them the protection they deserve. We implore the concerned UN agencies to pay attention to this ordeal of the Oromo refugees and make sure that they get appropriate protection as well as finding permanent solution to this endless saga.

Victory to the Oromo People!

Oromo Liberation Front

April 7, 2014

Source: Oromo Liberation Front

–Afaan Oromo Version
–English Version

Haala Yeroo Ilaalchisee Ibsa Sochii Dargaggoota Biyyoolessaa Irraa kenname

Ebla 5, 2014   Jimmaa

Bakka bu’oonni Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo godinoota adda addaa irraa walitti dhufuun Ebla 1 fi Ebla 2,2014 walgahii guyyaa lamaaf gaggeefatan irratti haala yeroo uummata Oromoo fi Qabsoo FDG bilisummaa Oromoo daran jabeessuu fi haala waliigala raafama siyaasa Impayeera biyyattii irratti marii bal’a gochuun ibsa armaan gadii dabarsee jira.

1.Dugugginsa Sanyii (Genocide), moototni Habashaa erga Oromoo afaan qawween cabsanii bulchuu eegalanii hanga har’a jarraa 21ffatti dabaree angootti dhufan rawwatanif Oromoon tolee jedhee jilbeeffatee bitamee, hin bule. Utuu falmatuu diina kufaa kiffisaa har’a as ga’ee; qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoos bu’awwaan dagatamuu fi eenyu iyyuu haalu hin dandeenye dhiigaa fi lafee isaa itti cabsee fidee har’a dhaloota haara nu Qeerroo Oromoo qaqqabsise jira. Haata’uu malee ilmaan mootota habashaa kaleessaa har’a illee qabsoo Oromoo dhaamsuuf Oromiyaa deebisanii qabachuufi sirnota abbooti isani sirna nafxanyaa kaleessa deebisuuf nurraa hin dhaabbanee hojii idilee isanii godhachuun hanga sadarkaa mana maxxansaa banachuun Oromoo arrabsuu, xiqqeessuu, tuffachuu fi Oromoon biyya hin qabu jechuu irra gahani jiru.Nafxanyaa har’a qawwee fi golgaa dimookiraasiin biyya lafa gowwomsaa jiru of jabeessuun umrii bittaa isaa dheereffachuuf yeroo kallatti hundaan tattafatan ifatti ba’een mu’acha jirra, sochii farrummaa Oromoo nafxanyota kaleessa fi har’a kana dhaabamsisuuf Oromoon bakka jiru hundaa dammaqee qalbiin qabsoo FDG keessatti qooda guddaa ba’uu qaba.

2. Mootummaan abbaa Irree Wayyaanee bulchiinsa magaalotaa Oromiyaa fi saaminsa qabeenyaa uummataa Oromoo fi uummaata Oromoo qe’eef qabeenyaa irraa buqqisuuf bifa haaraan karoorfatee sochii irra jiraachuu ifatti karaa media of harka qabuun labsii dabarfatee jira, Sochii kana dhaabsiisuu fi bulchiinsa Magaalaa finfinnee to’achuuf, qabeenya uummata Oromoo saaminsa irraa hambisuuf, fi Oromoon nagaan qee’eef qabeenyaa isaa irratti abba biyyummaa isa akka mirkaneeffatuuf bakka jirru maraa halduree tokko malee maqaa Oromoo jettu qofaan waliif dirmannee qabsoo FDG jabeessuun bara sirna naf xanyaa kaleessaa fi har’atti xummura haa goonu jechuun waamicha Oromummaa ilmaan Oromoo hundaaf dabarsina.

3. Ilmaan Oromoo gooftummaan diinaa suga isinitti fakkatee mootummaa EPRDF fi Wayyaanee duuka dhaabbachaa jirtan guyyaa saafaa ilmaan habashaa fi sirni EPRDF uummata Oromoo tuffachaa, arrabsaa fi arrabsiisaa dhiyeenya kana du’aa mootummaa naannoo Oromiyaa President Alamaayyoo Atoomsaa fi waldorgommii Ispoortii magaalaa Bardaritti gaggeeffame irratti salphina guddaa uummata keenya irratti rawwatame ijan argitanii gurraa dhageessani jirtu, kana qofaa mitii eeyyama Oromoo malee Magaalawwaan Oromiyaa kanneen akka Burraayyuu, Sabbataa, Sulultaa, Holotaa, Sandafaa, Laga Xaafoo laga daadhii, Aqaaqii Qaallitii ,Duukam, Galaan bishooftuu, fi magaalota kannee akka Shashamannee, Adaamaa, Jimmaa, Neqemtee fi Amboo illee bulchiinsa Federaalaa jala galchuun leeccelloo achii irraa argamuu fi Oromoo ittin jilbeffachisanii bituun umrii garbummaa dheeressuuf diini karoorsee uummata keenya irratti hojechaa jiraachuun ifatti ba’ee saaxilamee jira.Kanaaf ilmaan Oromoo diina duukaa dhabbachuun haa ga’u jenna.

4. Jarraa amma geenye keessa yeroo biyyi lafa bineensaaf iyyuu carraa barnoota kennaa jirtutti Mootummaan abbaa irree EPRDF baratoota Oromoo badii tokko malee sababa Oromummaa isanii fi sirna Wayyaaneetti harka hin kennanuu jedhaniif jumlaan barnoota irraa arii’atama, mana hidhatti guramaa, ajjeefamaa, fi biyya irra arii’atamuun dararan ilma nama irratti rawwatamuu hin qabne nurratti rawwatamaa waan jiruuf qabsoo FDG jabeesinee itti fufuu murteessine, rakkina kana keessas of baasuun Oromiyaa bilisoomtee fi uummanni keenya hiree isaa murteeffate ofiin akka of buchuuf qabsoon sochiin warraqsaa dimookisii fi bilisummaa Qeerroon gaggeessa jiru gabrummaa bardhibbeetti furmata waaraa fi karaa waan ta’eef fincillee mirga keenya kabachiifachuuf bakka jirru gamtaan sagalee keenya haa dhageesifannu.

5. Akka guutu Oromiyaatti yeroo amma kanatti qaala’insa jiruuf jireenyaa fi hojiidhabdummaan ija baasee dargaggoonni Oromoo dhabbilee barnoota olaanoo akka Yuunibarsiitii fi Kolleejjota garaagara irra sadarkaa barnoota dipiloomaa hanga Digrii 2ffatti baratanii hojii dhabdee ta’uun dararama ilmi namaa hin arginee argaa jiru, sirni EPRDF sirna dabbalee walaalaa fi ogummaa hin qabneen kan durfamuu waan ta’eef of shakkii angoo irraa ka’uun beektotaa fi hayyoota Oromoo ogummaa isaniitiin illee lammii isaanii tajajilanii akka of hin jiraachifneef beektota Oromoo moggaatti dhiibee, baratoota dargaggoota Oromoo hojii dhabdee taasiisuun karaa irra taa’ee dargaggeessi akka kadhatuuf saaxilee jira. Dhugaan kun har’a addunyaa biyya lafaaf ifaadha. Kanaafuu beektootni fi dargaggoon Oromoo dhaabilee barnoota olaanoo irra eebbifamuun jiruuf jireenyan dararamaa jirtan dandeetii fi humna keesaniin qabsoo FDG sochii warraqsaa Qeerroon bilisummaa Oromoo gaggeessa jirutti gurmuunis ta’ee namtokkee wal ijaaruun harka wal qabannee sirna walaltotaa fi humna qawween ijaarame kana diiguun mirga uummataa keenyaa fi bilisummaa keenya haa kabachiifannuun waamicha keenya. 6.Mootummaan shororkeessaa fi abbaa irree kan ta’e Wayyaaneen humna afaan qawween aangoo irra kan ture sabaa fi sablammii biyyatti giddutti ibidda qabsiisuun wal nyaachiisa ofiif fayyadamaa ta’a as ga’e wantii baay’ee nama ajaa’ibuu sabuma tokkicha Oromoo fi Oromoo gidduutti illee walitti bu’insa hin jirre qabsiisuun dhiiga wal dhangalaasisa umrii dheereffate uummatni Oromoo lola Gumuzii fi Oromoo, Sumalee fi Oromoo, Oromoo fi Bertaa, Oromoo fi Burjii Oromoo fi Geedi’oo gidduutti Wayyaneen qabsiisa tureen lubbuun hedduun galaafatame dhiigni dhangala’eera, tokkummaan uummatoota laafffate Wayyaaneef carraa ta’eera, Mootummaan abbaa irree amma illee uummata Oromoo Booraanaa fi Gujii saba tokkicha gidduutti toftaa uummata shororkeessuu fi dhiigaa waldhangalaasiisuu gaggeessa jira. Ummaanni Oromoo hundi akeeka diina kana irratti dammaquun uummanni keenya bu’aa xixiqqoo irratti dhiiga waldhangalasuun carraa diinaaf banuu dhiifnee, diina wal nu nyaachisaa jiru abbaa irree EPRDF irratti gamtaan qabsaa’uuf ga’een dargaggootaa fi beektotaa olaanaa ta’uu ni hubachiifna. 7.Qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo fi kabajamuu mirga Uummata Oromoof itti gaafatamuummaa guddaa kan of harka qabu numa dargaggoota Oromoo fi beektoota Oromoo sadarkaa garaa garaa irra jirruu ta’uu jaabessinee hubachiifna. Goototni ilmaan Oromoo kaleessa utuu hanga kana hin baay’atiin, hin baratiin, walitti dhiyaatee hin marii’atiin fi teeknoloojii hin fayyadamiin eenyummaa uummataa keenyaa fi qabeenyaa Oromoon qabu tiksuun wareegama qaalii lubbuu, lafee itti cabsee dhiiga irratti cophsee Oromoo fi Oromiyaa har’a kana nu dhaalchisee utuu diinaaf hin jilbeeffatiin bilisummaa keessanitti xumura godhadha ofiin of bulchaa jechuun wareegama tilmaama hin qabne kanfaluun seenaa keessatti bakka olaanaa qabachuun darbaniru. Nuti dhaloonni har’a itti gaafatama seenaa jalaa of baasuufi qabsoo bilisummaa gootota keenyaan dhaalchifamnee fi bu’aa qabsoo Oromoo ta’uu keenya beekuun eenyummaa, abbaa biyyummaa, sabboonummaa, fi bilisummaa keenya gonfachuuf yoom iyyuu caalaa yeroon gamtaan harka walqabannee biyya keessaa fi biyyota hambaa garaagaraa keessatti FDG Qeerroon qabsiisee jiruu jabeessuun wareegama barbachiisa itti kanfallee bilisummaa keenya mirkaneeffannu amma!! jechuun Hogganni Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo godinoota adda addaa bakka bu’anii Ebla 2/2014 haala yeroo irratti marii gochuun dhiha Oromiyaa magaalaa Jimmaa keessatti keessatti Ibsa Ejjennoo walgahii kanaa baaseen beeksisa.

Injifannoon Uummaata Oromoof!
Gadaan Gadaa Bilisummaati!
Ebla 2/2014

Oromo Voice Radio broadcast, April 5, 2014

Memorandum on Human Rights Priorities for the European Union-Africa Summit

March 31, 2014

Introduction

The European Union (EU)-Africa summit provides an important opportunity to highlight crucial human rights developments in both Africa and Europe. Progress is being made on many human rights issues in an array of countries, but daunting challenges remain. The summit agenda includes both democracy and governance and peace and security, two broad topics that include a range of human rights concerns.

Human Rights Watch is concerned by some of the negative trends, particularly in Africa regarding the respect for human rights defenders and violations of the rights to freedom of association, expression, and peaceful assembly, and in the EU in relation to the rights of migrant and asylum seekers, and discrimination and intolerance towards migrants and minorities.

This memorandum summarizes key thematic concerns, provides links to specific country information where relevant, and urges African and European member states to implement recommendations that would help address ongoing human rights violations that threaten the lives and well-being of citizens across the continent, as well as the sustainable development of numerous countries.

I. Democracy and Good Governance

Threats to Freedom of Expression, Association, and Peaceful Assembly in Africa

The proliferation of a wide range of nongovernmental organizations and independent media has been among the most important positive developments across Africa in the past two decades. Independent media, civil society activists, and nongovernmental organizations play essential roles in any democratic society, whether through investigating and reporting on government policy, exposing corruption and human rights violations, advocating for the rights of minorities and vulnerable communities, or providing health, education, and other social services.

Human rights defenders—whether individuals, groups, lawyers, or journalists—are fundamental to ensuring the ability of all people to know, understand, and enjoy their rights. They also play a key role in exposing as well as assisting those seeking redress for human rights violations. A vibrant civil society and independent media is also critical for the conduct of free and fair elections in line with international standards. Furthermore, recent events in North Africa and the Arab world demonstrate how public access to communications and Internet technology and the increasing use of social media have amplified both the appetite for information as well as the ability of individuals from all segments of society to organize and respond to developments that affect their lives and interests.

Yet these exciting trends have also provoked a backlash in a number of countries, particularly those governed by longstanding, often authoritarian leaders and ruling parties who fear and suppress independent criticism, political opposition, and peaceful public dissent. As briefly described below, the backlash has assumed a number of forms including: threats, harassment, arbitrary detention, and prosecution of human rights defenders; censorship of independent media and nongovernmental voices; the promulgation and use of laws that violate fundamental rights to freedom of expression and association; and unlawful state efforts to undermine, bar, or crack down on peaceful protests.

Harassment and Prosecution of Human Rights Defenders
Harassment, threats, arbitrary detentions, and politically motivated prosecutions of human rights defenders, including journalists, human rights activists, anti-corruption campaigners, and others have become an alarming, regular feature of too many countries in Africa.

Eritrea presents an extreme case where no independent civil society or media is permitted to operate, but other countries have shown an increasingly repressive tendency or created a hostile environment in which activists and media self-censor due to fear of heavy-handed repercussions.

In countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola, journalists and human rights defenders have been the target of threats and physical attacks from state agents. In others, such as in Kenya and Somalia, unidentified assailants who may or may not be affiliated with the state are responsible for numerous acts of violence, including killings. In other countries, such as Ethiopia, Sudan, and South Sudan, abuses usually take the form of harassment, arbitrary detentions, and prosecutions.

Many countries have used a combination of direct threats and oppressive laws and state policies to undermine human rights defenders. Rwanda’s domestic human rights movement has been almost destroyed by state intimidation, personal threats, infiltration, and administrative obstacles. In Burundithe government has often responded to the work of human rights activists and journalists by labeling them mouthpieces of the opposition. Ethiopia’s independent human rights groups have been forced to either stop working on human rights issues or dramatically curtail their activities due to increasingly repressive laws on association and restrictions on foreign funding. Equatorial Guinea also imposes excessive restrictions on the registration and operation of nongovernmental groups, and has no legally registered independent human rights groups. Sudan has shut down human rights and democracy organizations without cause, imposed burdensome registration requirements, and has used its repressive national security apparatus to monitor civil society groups and target individual activists for arrest and detention.

Harassment and arrests of human rights defenders by state security forces frequently increases in the lead-up or aftermath of national elections, as occurred in Zimbabwe in 2013. In Uganda, threats to civil society activists and the media have been linked to reporting on sensitive issues like corruption, oil, land or President Yoweri Museveni’s eventual succession. The Ugandan government’s raids on theDaily Monitor, a leading newspaper, and other media in May 2013 was a clear example of the severity of politically motivated attacks against the media. Uganda’s ruling party uses a wide range of tactics to stifle critical reporting, from occasional physical violence to threats, harassment, bureaucratic interference, and trumped-up criminal charges against journalists. This was particularly apparent during political unrest in September 2009 and prior to the February 2011 elections.

In certain countries, such as Cameroonand Uganda, activists working on the rights of vulnerable minorities—such as the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT)—have had workshops shut down and faced particular threats. In Zambia, an HIV/AIDS activist is currently on trial simply for suggesting in a TV interview that decriminalizing same-sex conduct would help facilitate HIV outreach to sexual minorities. Recent laws criminalizing homosexuality in Nigeria and Uganda present a worrying trend that could also have significant impact on human rights activism and advocacy more broadly given the wide latitude of the legislation. In Nigeria, President Goodluck Jonathan signed into law on January 7, 2014, the Same-Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Bill. It is a sweeping and dangerous piece of legislation that criminalizes public displays of affection between same-sex couples and restricts the work of organizations defending gay people and their rights. The law could lead to imprisonment solely for a person’s actual or imputed sexual orientation. People could face charges for consensual adult sexual relations in private; advocacy of LGBT rights; or public expression of their sexual orientation or gender identity. The terms “same-sex marriage” and “civil union” are so broadly defined in the law that they include virtually any form of same-sex cohabitation.

Mainstream human rights organizations in Nigeria could be threatened for opposing the law, and have said they fear speaking out about it. Funders or supporters of LGBT rights and related work in Nigeria could also face increased scrutiny under the law. The law will hinder public health efforts to work on HIV and could criminalize programs funded by major donors that provide education on HIV prevention and health for men who have sex with men.

In Uganda, President Yoweri Museveni signed the Anti-Homosexuality Bill into law on February 24, 2014. The new law not only increases the penalty for same-sex conduct to up to life imprisonment, but creates a raft of new and vague criminal offenses that violate the rights to freedom of expression and association among others. The “attempt to commit homosexuality” now incurs a penalty of seven years as does “aiding and abetting” homosexuality. A person who “keeps a house, room, set of rooms, or place of any kind for purposes of homosexuality” also faces seven years’ imprisonment. Because the law also criminalizes the “promotion” of homosexuality, a person could now go to prison simply for expressing a peaceful opinion. Local and international nongovernmental organizations doing legitimate human rights advocacy could now be at risk of criminal sentencing of up to seven years. Public health promotion and prevention efforts targeting “at risk” groups might have to be curtailed, and health educators and healthcare providers could face criminal prosecution under the same provision.

Human Rights Watch urges African and EU representatives participating in the summit to call for and support:
• Thorough investigations of any cases of harassment, threats, or violence against human rights defenders and other civil society activists, and violations of their rights to free expression, association and assembly. Those responsible for such abuses should be held accountable, regardless of position or rank.
• Uganda and Nigeria to take immediate steps to suspend implementation and repeal discriminatory legislation and take substantive steps to ensure all laws comply with their international human rights obligations.
• Thorough reviews of the impact of the Ugandan and Nigerian laws on all EU-supported development projects and programs, particularly taking time to ensure that objectives can be met without a) exposing implementing partners, project employees or beneficiaries to possible criminal prosecution under the laws, and b) discrimination or discriminatory provision of services.

Abusive Laws Regulating the Media and Civil Society
Journalists in Africa are frequently arrested and prosecuted under a variety of laws for doing their work as reporters in violation of international protections for free expression and media freedom. Ethiopia’s prosecution of at least 13 journalists under its counterterrorism law has been a particularly sinister misuse of domestic legislation. More often, countries seeking to limit the independent media introduce specific media legislation. A media law adopted in Burundi in June 2013 undermines the protection of sources, limits subjects on which journalists may report, imposes new fines for media found in violation of the law, and requires journalists to have a minimum level of education and professional experience. Following a legal challenge by the Burundian Union of Journalists, the Constitutional Court ruled in January 2014 that certain articles of the media law were unconstitutional. This provides an opportunity for the Burundian government to not only modify those articles, but ensure that the law as a whole respects journalistic freedom and protects Burundi’s vibrant independent media. Kenya is currently considering legislation that could give authorities a broad remit to censor media and limit foreign funding of nongovernmental organizations.

In Rwanda, where journalists have faced years of intimidation, media laws adopted in 2013 appeared to increase the scope for independent journalism, but a range of other laws have been used to silence media criticism. After several journalists were arrested and convicted in connection with their articles, most Rwandan journalists do not dare investigate or report on human rights abuses by the state or comment on politically sensitive issues.

Criminal defamation laws remain a concern across a number of African countries, particularly Angola, where the country’s most prominent anti-corruption campaigner, Rafael Marques de Morais, has been subjected to nine defamation lawsuits in the last year. Yet civil defamation laws can also be problematic. For example, by allowing damage awards in defamation cases that are far beyond the ability of most Liberian newspapers to pay—and mandating imprisonment for non-payment—Liberian law makes imprisonment the likely outcome of many civil defamation cases, which creates a serious chilling effect on journalism.

Public order and information laws are also frequently used to curtail independent media and civil society activities and public demonstrations on governance issues. For instance the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act and the Public Order Security Act in Zimbabweand the recently passed Public Order Management Bill in Ugandahave been or may be used in this way. Even South Africa, widely considered to be one of the most liberal media environments on the continent, has passed a controversial Protection of State Information Bill, known as the “Secrecy Bill,” which could limit protection for journalists and whistleblowers seeking to report information that is in the public interest.

Yet the picture is not entirely bleak. A growing number of African countries, such as Sierra Leone, have passed or are in the process of passing freedom of information laws that could play a crucial role in improving government transparency, the rule of law, and respect for human rights.
Human Rights Watch urges African and EU representatives participating in the summit to:
• Call for the repeal or amendment of legislation that restricts freedom of expression and association, including provisions that limit foreign funding, impose arbitrary or intrusive requirements on the ability of nongovernmental organizations to function, or limit the types of lawful activity that organizations can undertake.
• Support legislation, such as freedom of information laws and other legislation that promotes the rights to freedom of information, expression and association.

Crackdowns on Peaceful Protests
Restrictions on freedom of expression and association are often coupled with crackdowns on public protests. Uganda, Sudan, Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, and Angola, to name a few, have seen public demonstrations in the past few years on a variety of issues, often linked to public concerns over corruption, accountability or state failure to respect human rights and account for violations.

The situation in Burundi is becoming increasingly tense, with repeated confrontations between opposition party members, on the one hand, and the police and the government on the other. Government and police have obstructed opposition party meetings and disrupted demonstrations and other activities. In February, the government attempted to impose pro-ruling party leaders on the opposition party UPRONA, prompting the resignation of all three UPRONA ministers and effectively splitting the party into two. In March, violent clashes between the police and members of the MSD opposition party led to arrests, injuries, and a suspension of the MSD. In March, 69 MSD members were charged in connection with their alleged role in a confrontation with the police. After a summary trial that lasted just one day, and with no time to prepare their defense, 21 were sentenced to life imprisonment, and 34 to various other prison terms.

Sudan’s violent repression of protests in Khartoum and other cities and towns in September 2013 resulted in 170 deaths of protesters and the detention of hundreds. Sudanese security forces arbitrarily detained and tortured peaceful protesters in 2011 and 2012. The Angolan government has responded to periodic protests by a youth movement and war veterans with regular arbitrary detentions and the use of unnecessary or excessive force by security forces. In a similar fashion, the Zimbabwe security forces have quashed peaceful protests with excessive force and arbitrary arrests and detention. Protests by members of the Muslim community in Ethiopia have been met with excessive force, beatings, and detentions, a pattern replicated in Uganda, which has seen several protest movements quashed by abusive police and other security forces.

The EU-Africa summit should:
• Stress that the right to peaceful assembly is a fundamental right embodied in the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and other international human rights law.
• Condemn the unnecessary or excessive use of force by security forces in response to protests.
• Call on the African Commission for Human and Peoples’ Rights to investigate serious situations in which state security forces have used excessive force against protesters, including most recently in Sudan.

II. Peace and Security

The rapid escalation of conflicts in the Central African Republic (CAR) and South Sudan over the past several months demonstrates the unintended consequences of decades of repression, weak institutions, corruption, and the legacy of impunity in some African countries.

In South Sudan, conflict erupted in December 2013 between pro-government and opposition forces, and has included massive abuses against civilians. The violence has taken on dangerous ethnic overtones across the country and reflects South Sudan’s legacy of impunity for mass crimes during years of civil war. Human Rights Watch has urged both parties to end abuses and ensure justice for crimes against civilians as a key step toward lasting peace.

The African Union (AU) responded in late December by establishing a Commission of Inquiry into the human rights violations and abuses committed. The Commission is set to begin work in April. Human Rights Watch and other international and South Sudanese groups have called on the AU to ensure the Commission be effective, credible, impartial, and independent, that it be staffed with relevant forensic investigators and human rights experts, and that it make public its findings. The EU, which has also pledged to support accountability, should extend support to the AU’s Commission.

With regard to the CAR, to their credit, both the EU and AU responded by pledging or deploying troops in a very insecure and dangerous situation. Those responses have been much appreciated by residents of CAR and the humanitarian actors working to address the massive crisis there.

Human Rights Watch has been documenting abuses in the CAR for the past year and has observed that the presence of the peacekeepers has deterred some violence. In other cases, however, we have seen troops abandon their neutrality and get drawn into the conflict between the Seleka and anti-balaka forces. In some instances, Chadian peacekeeping troops have facilitated the movement of armed Seleka leaders—complicit in grave abuses—to areas where the Seleka can regroup. We have urged the AU to rein in these rogue forces and prevent them from allowing the Seleka to prey on civilians.

Human Rights Watch has also repeatedly called for the augmentation of African and European peacekeeping in CAR, particularly with the deployment of a UN peacekeeping force that can help stabilize the divided nation, prevent further abuses, and help rebuild tattered institutions. Until that force is on the ground, the AU peacekeeping force, known as MISCA, and the French Sangaris need to take immediate additional measures to provide greater security, including actively patrolling areas vulnerable to violence, especially those where minority Muslim populations remain. In the wake of the Seleka collapse, thousands of Muslim residents have fled to the neighboring countries of Chad,Cameroon, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Remaining Muslim residents are at extreme risk of violence, either in their homes or on the streets, in Bangui or in more remote locations, such as the south western region. There is an urgent need for more peacekeepers and more resources to contend with this human rights and humanitarian catastrophe.

African and EU representatives at the summit should:
• Call on all the warring parties in South Sudan to protect civilians and civilian property;
• Ensure that the South Sudan Commission of Inquiry is effective, credible, impartial, and independent, that it is staffed with competent forensic investigators and human rights experts, and that it makes its findings public.
• Urgently support the deployment of a UN peacekeeping force in the CAR and expedite the deployment of EU forces in the interim.

Africa and International Justice

In 2014, the commemoration of the 20^th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide acts as a sober reminder that ensuring accountability for international crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide remains one of the most urgent issues on the continent. The EU-Africa summit comes at a time of intense challenges for the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Africa. The election of ICC suspects Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto as Kenya’s president and deputy president has generated renewed backlash to the ICC from the AU and some African leaders. The EU-Africa summit is an important moment for African ICC member states to affirm support for the court.

The ICC has its flaws, but it is a crucial court of last resort. Its reach should be expanded, not hindered. Ideally, domestic courts will have the capacity and willingness to ensure justice when serious crimes in violation of international law are committed, but in many cases the judiciary in countries where such crimes are perpetrated is weak. Regional courts have also faced difficulty in their judgments being respected or continuing to operate after taking independent decisions.

There are double standards in the application of international justice: some powerful countries have not joined the ICC and the Security Council has used its power to refer situations to the ICC inconsistently. But justice should not be denied where it is possible because it is not yet possible everywhere. African governments should press for justice wherever the worst crimes are committed, such as in Syria, but not hinder the prospects for justice in Africa. As has been shown in countries such as Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Kenya, impunity tends to foster renewed crimes.

A 2013 AU summit decision calls for immunity for sitting officials before international courts. This is contrary to the very core of the ICC’s Rome Statute, which considers the official capacity of those responsible for grave crimes to be irrelevant. This has been a cornerstone of international law since the post-World War II trials at Nuremberg, and is included in the statutes of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda and the Special Court for Sierra Leone.

The EU-Africa summit should:
• Reaffirm the importance of the ICC in bringing to justice those responsible for the gravest international crimes that cannot be prosecuted in domestic courts.

The Rights of Asylum Seekers and Migrants in the EU

The approach of the EU and its member states to migration and asylum is too often characterized by an emphasis on migration control and border enforcement at the expense of the rights of migrants and asylum seekers, including the right to seek asylum.

Deaths at Sea
The death of over 500 people in October 2013 in two shipwrecks off the Italian island of Lampedusa rightly focused the EU’s attention on boat migration in the Mediterranean. That same month Italy launched an ongoing naval search and rescue operation called Mare Nostrum that has rescued over 14,000 people by mid-March 2014. In December 2013, the Council of the EU endorsed recommendations developed by a specially created task force on short and medium-term measures to limit the loss of life of migrants and asylum seekers at sea.

Human Rights Watch is concerned that many of the EU’s proposed policy responses, though framed in terms of saving lives, reflect the EU’s preoccupation with border enforcement through an emphasis on preventing departure and barring entry. This can be seen in the focus on increased border surveillance—primarily through the launch of EUROSUR, a platform for information sharing among EU countries for the purpose of detecting irregular migratory movements—cooperation with countries of origin and of transit, including joint naval patrols, and a crackdown on people smuggling. The debate has revived longstanding disputes among EU member states about responsibilities for rescue operations, for determining where those rescued should be disembarked, and for processing migrants and asylum seekers.

Enhanced efforts to save lives at sea should go hand-in-hand with respect for other fundamental rights, such as the right to seek asylum and protection against torture and ill-treatment. Human Rights Watch recommends the EU to take the following steps:
• Ensure that increased surveillance of the Mediterranean, including through implementation of EUROSUR, is focused on the paramount duty of rescue at sea, on the basis of a broad definition of distress and a presumption that all intercepted or rescued persons will be taken to the closest safe port of call in an EU country;
• Adopt binding rules to avoid disputes about disembarkation points to ensure that migrants are taken promptly to a safe port of call and given access to asylum, including in situations where the rescue is conducted by private vessels;
• Develop orderly and legal entry mechanisms for asylum seekers; and
• Ensure that immigration cooperation with sending and transit countries is subject to clear and enforceable human rights safeguards.

Access to Asylum
While the EU has moved towards harmonization of asylum procedures and reception standards across the Union, including with the adoption in June 2013 of an asylum package, asylum seekers face gaps in protection in a number of member states. Despite reforms in Greece, asylum seekers there continue to encounter serious obstacles accessing the asylum system, a large backlog in processing cases, and inadequate reception conditions or prolonged detention in sometimes abusive conditions. Asylum seekers in Bulgaria also face poor reception and detention conditions, as well as summary returns to Turkey without proper procedures and excessive use of force by border police. Italy has largely failed to implement a long-term approach for asylum seekers and refugees, adopting instead short-lived “emergency plans” that do not guarantee consistent, adequate standards of treatment, conditions, and access to asylum.

Summary expulsions from the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla to Morocco are also a problem, raising concerns that persons in need of international protection are being denied access to asylum procedures and other protections, and that both asylum seekers and irregular migrants are returned without due process to the risk of abuse at the hands of Moroccan security forces. Fifteen migrants drowned on February 6, 2014, while swimming to Ceuta amid serious concerns that the actions of the Spanish Guardia Civil, including firing rubber bullets and teargas at the water, contributed to the deaths.

Recent reform of EU directives brought certain improvements to common EU standards, but the common rules provide broad grounds for detention of asylum seekers, do not obligate member states to provide free legal assistance at first instance, and fail to exempt especially vulnerable asylum seekers, including torture survivors and unaccompanied children, from accelerated procedures. Maltahas a virtually automatic detention policy for up to 18 months, while asylum seekers in Greece may also be held in detention for up to 18 months if they apply for asylum after being detained for irregular migration.

Accelerated procedures at borders, including asylum hearings, are inherently unsuitable for complex cases, and make it difficult for individuals to present medical or other evidence of their need for international protection. Human Rights Watch has documented how such procedures put unaccompanied children at risk of expedited removal from France and fast-track women victims of sexual violence in the United Kingdom into detention and denial of protection.

Asylum seekers as well as unaccompanied children also face transfers between EU countries under the Dublin regulation or bilateral agreements. The Dublin regulation requires as a general rule that the first EU country of entry be responsible for assessing asylum claims, and allows member states to return anyone to the first EU country they entered even if that first country lacks a fully functioning asylum system and adequate reception conditions, or otherwise offers less protection. Recent reforms to the regulation have improved safeguards, including by requiring member states to assess the risk of inhuman or degrading treatment before transfer to another EU country. Concerns remain that theDublin system does not properly weigh the variety of factors that might connect an asylum seeker to one state over another, including wider family relations, community ties, language, as well as personal preference of the applicant. Human Rights Watch has also documented how Italy bypasses the Dublin regulation entirely through summary returns to Greece of adult asylum seekers and unaccompanied children who stow away on ferries from Greece to Italy.

We urge the EU-Africa summit to reaffirm the importance of access to fair and effective asylum procedures and decent reception conditions. EU institutions should monitor and enforce, including through infringement proceedings, full compliance with EU asylum regulations. EU member states should consider further reforming the Dublin regulation. Detention of asylum seekers should be used only as a last resort and for the shortest time possible, and EU countries should not detain unaccompanied children and families with children, but rather provide them with safe reception accommodation.

Discrimination and Intolerance in the EU

Discrimination and intolerance against minorities, including Muslims and Roma, and migrants is a serious concern across the EU. Comprehensive data compiled by the EU Fundamental Rights Agency, judgments by the European Court of Human Rights, assessments by UN treaty bodies and experts, as well as numerous NGO reports, including by Human Rights Watch, all point to persistent hostility and discrimination against certain groups.

Despite binding international and regional norms on combating hate crimes, numerous EU countries lack robust legislation and machinery to adequately address violence based on ethnic or racial prejudice. Human Rights Watch has documented the failure of police and the judiciary in ItalyandGreece to investigate, prosecute, and punish appropriately xenophobic attacks against migrants and minorities, and the inadequacy of state response to hate crimes in Germany.

The use of unlawful ethnic profiling by law enforcement affects minorities and migrants in EU countries. In France, overly broad grounds for police stops and the lack of clear guidelines leads to repeated and abusive identity checks targeting blacks and Arabs, violating anti-discrimination norms and undermining police-community relations. In Greece, Athens police conduct abusive stops and searches based on ethnic profiling and have detained tens of thousands of people, including many legal migrants, in an ongoing police operation to crack down on irregular migration.

While Muslims in the EU face discrimination in a variety of spheres, Muslim women have been particularly singled out by measures aimed at curbing the wearing of the Muslim headscarf and the full-face veil. Some countries, including France and Germany (in eight out of sixteen states), prohibit civil servants, including teachers, from wearing religious symbols. Franceand Belgium have adopted laws prohibiting the concealment of one’s face in public. In all these cases, parliamentary debates have made it clear that Muslim religious dress is the principal target of such bans. Comparable nationwide bans have been proposed in a variety of other countries, including Italy, the United Kingdom, and Denmark, while a number of municipalities in Spain and Italy already have, or are contemplating, local bans.

The situation for Roma, Europe’s largest ethnic minority, is particularly alarming. The EU collectively recognizes that the persistent discrimination and marginalization require intervention, and has developed a strategy and funding to that end. But in practice Roma migrants from Eastern Europe face forced eviction and expulsion in Franceand Italy. Further east, in Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia, the situation is even more alarming, with little progress toward ending forced evictions and housing and school segregation (also a problem in Greece), despite hundreds of millions of euros in EU funding and binding rulings by the European Court of Human Rights.

We encourage participants in the EU-Africa summit to engage in a frank discussion about discrimination and intolerance in the EU. EU member states and institutions should take steps to ensure robust response to hate crimes, to prohibit explicitly the use of ethnic profiling by law enforcement, and implement fully strategies to address deep and widespread discrimination against Roma. EU institutions should affirm the fundamental rights to freedom from discrimination, freedom of religion, and the right to autonomy of Muslim women.

Human Rights Enforcement in the EU

The Treaty on European Union states that the EU is founded on respect for human rights. As outlined in the EU Strategic Framework and Action Plan on Human Rights and Democracy—adopted by the Council of the EU in June 2012—this means both ensuring that the Union’s relations with other countries are founded on respect for human rights, and ensuring rights for everyone are respected within the Union itself. Yet EU institutions have failed to respond adequately to some of the most pressing human rights concerns inside the EU, including abusive laws and practices by some member states.

The European Commission has the power to bring infringement proceedings against member states when they fail to apply correctly and adequately EU law, including in relation to the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, which is binding on EU member states when they are applying EU law. Ultimately such proceedings can lead to judgments by the European Court of Justice and sanctions. While the Commission has sought to use infringement proceedings in some cases involving human rights, it is has been reluctant to use human rights as the basis. Its decision-making and criteria have been opaque, and it has sometimes accepted cosmetic changes as sufficient to halt proceedings. The Commission has also been hesitant to confront member states on their human rights records in its annual report.

The European Parliament has been more outspoken on occasion and has played an important role in scrutinizing EU legislation and challenging EU policy on human rights. But political and national allegiances have sometimes blunted the Parliament’s effectiveness.

The response of the Council of the EU has been particularly disappointing. It has established a Working Party on Fundamental Rights and Free Movement of Persons (FREMP), where member state officials can discuss human rights challenges and possible EU action in response to violations by member states. But the work of FREMP has in fact been largely confined to negotiating EU accession to the European Convention on Human Rights and no meaningful engagement with civil society has been established. Faced with systematic efforts by the Hungarian government to undermine the rule of law and human rights, for example, and the failure of member states to respect their obligation to investigate complicity in acts of torture and enforced disappearances in the context of the CIA rendition program, the Council has been silent.

The Council acknowledged for the first time, in June 2013, the need to do more to address human rights violations within the EU, and called on the Commission to “take forward the debate … on the possible need for and shape of a collaborative and systematic method to tackle these issues.”
In March 2014, the European Commission announced a new “rule of law mechanism” that would allow it to challenge member states over “systematic threats to the rule of law” that nonetheless fall short of the threshold for action under article 7 of the Treaty on European Union, the EU’s most powerful (but never used) enforcement tool. Though a welcome signal of the Commission’s pledge to act when fundamental values come under threat, concerns remain that the new mechanism does little to overcome the lack of political will that obstructs genuine human rights enforcement in the EU.

Human Rights Watch calls on the EU to heed the detailed recommendations of the Human Rights and Democracy Network, a platform of 48 organizations of which Human Rights Watch is a coordinating member, to improve scrutiny of and accountability for human rights violations within EU borders. These recommendations were set out in an August 2013 statement. The EU should define a more comprehensive internal human rights strategy that mirrors its external strategic framework, and devise a corresponding action plan to guide collective EU action. All EU institutions, including the Commission, the Parliament, and the Council should embrace an ambitious mandate to deploy effectively existing institutional arrangements to promote and protect the full range of rights within the EU, including a willingness to hold individual member states to account when they violate human rights.

Children and Armed Conflict

In the majority of countries with armed conflicts around the world, national armed forces or armed groups have used schools for military purposes, with devastating consequences for the safety and well-being of children and their right to education.

Across Africa, schools have been used for military purposes in at least nine countries since 2005: Central African Republic, Chad, Cote d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Libya, Mali, Somalia, South Sudan, and Sudan. For example, in Congo, armed forces occupied and used schools in Katanga and North and South Kivu in 2013. In South Sudan in 2012, troops used at least 18 schools, affecting approximately 13,000 children. The cost to repair damage cause by such use was around US$67,000 per school.

Good policies and practices have emerged in both Africa and Europe to protect schools from military use. In South Sudan, a 2012 order of the army deputy chief of staff “unconditionally prohibited” forces from “occupying schools, interfering with or disrupting school classes or activities, or using school facilities for any purpose.” In Cote d’Ivoire, nongovernmental organizations shared information on military use of schools with UN peacekeepers, who then advocated with state and non-state actors to leave occupied schools. In Ireland, the Defence Act states that military manoeuvers and encampments cannot interfere with schools or school grounds. In the United Kingdom, the Manual on the Law of Armed Conflict prohibits the use of education institutions for purposes likely to expose it to damage, unless there is no feasible alternative.

As of March 2014, the following AU and EU member states have expressed their support for the process of finalizing the Draft Lucens Guidelines for Protecting Schools and Universities from Military Use during Armed Conflict, which urge armed forces to refrain from using schools and provide six guidelines for good practice: Austria, Croatia, Finland, France, Lithuania, Portugal, Senegal, Slovenia, South Sudan, and Sweden.

The EU-Africa summit should:
• Urge efforts to reduce the harm to children and schools during armed conflict, and support the process of the Draft Lucens Guidelines for Protecting Schools and Universities from Military Use during Armed Conflict.

Women’s Human Rights

Human Rights Watch has documented a range of human rights abuses against women and girls in both the EU, for example in Hungaryand Belgium, and in Africa, such as in Somaliaand Kenya. Cooperation between the EU and Africa is particularly important and useful in three areas: ending child marriage, protecting rights of domestic workers, and ending gender-based violence in conflict.

Child Marriage

Human Rights Watch has documented the myriad of human rights abusesaround the practice of child, early and forced marriage in a number of countries, including in South Sudan. The chair of the AU, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, has unequivocally statedthat “We must do away with child marriage.” The African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child states that child marriage and the betrothal of girls and boys shall be prohibited and effective action, including legislation, shall be taken to specify the minimum age of marriage to be 18 years and make registration of all marriages in an official registry compulsory. The EU is currently developing a large campaign and strategy to end child marriage.

Human Rights Watch urges Africa and the EU to cooperate and to include the following recommendations in any effort to end early, child and forced marriages:
• Set and enforce the legal minimum age of marriage at 18.
• Require verification of age and the full and free consent of both spouses.
• Establish and enforce compulsory marriage registers.
• Provide sufficient training to law enforcement officials on gender discrimination, violence against women, and early, child and forced marriage specifically.
• Recognize marital rape as a criminal offense.
• Increase access to education for girls—including married girls, access to reproductive and obstetric health care for all girls and women.

Domestic Workers’ Rights

An estimated 50 to 100 million people, a vast majority of them women and girls, are employed in private homes as domestic workers. Human Rights Watch has documented abuses against domestic workers around the world, including in Moroccoand Guinea. Abuses include being grossly underpaid, extremely long work hours, no freedom of movement, and physical, sexual and psychological abuse. In July 2011, members of the International Labour Organization—governments, trade unions, and employers’ associations—voted overwhelmingly to adopt the ILO Convention No. 189 Concerning Decent Work for Domestic Workers, which established the first global standards for the millions of domestic workers worldwide.

In Africa, good examples are starting to emerge. Both South Africa and Mauritius have ratified the convention. Zambia and Tanzania have raised the minimum wage for domestic workers. A landmark court ruling in Kenya in December 2012 placed domestic workers under the protection of the labor law, extending to them the national minimum wage and social security benefits.

The Council of the EU, the European Commission, and the European Parliament have called on EU countries to ratify the convention. To date, only Italy and Germany have done so, while Ireland and Belgium have pledged their intent to ratify. Spain has issued a royal decree that ensures domestic workers the minimum wage, maximum working week of 40 hours, and minimum daily rest periods.

Human Rights Watch urges the EU and Africa to encourage ratification of the Domestic Workers Convention and act to ensure all member countries implement the convention’s terms.

Gender-Based Violence during Armed Conflict
Human Rights Watch has documented gender-based violence in conflict in Democratic Republic of Congo, Cote d’Ivoire, Sudan, and Guinea, and earlier in Bosnia and Kosovo.Most recently, Human Rights Watch has been conducting research in Somalia’s capital, Mogadishu, where sexual violence is pervasive, including by government soldiers and allied militia. This is due in large part to failed or non-existent state structures to protect women, particularly vulnerable groups such as internally displaced women and girls, and to ensure justice for abuses and tackle the social and economic vulnerability of women and girls. Women interviewed by Human Rights Watch described a paralyzing climate of fear, where no place was safe, and many women are vulnerable to attack, and where perpetrators attacked with impunity.

The EU has developed and adopted a comprehensive approachto the EU implementation of UN Security Council resolutions 1325 and 1820 on women, peace and security. Individual European countries have developed their own initiatives, most notably the Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict initiative of the United Kingdom. Similarly, the AU adopted resolution 1325 unanimously in the AU Security Council in 2000. Human Rights Watch has learned that the AU is currently in the process of developing a code of conduct for its troops on sexual violence and harassment, a particularly welcome step given recent events in Somalia.

In order to curtail gender-based violence in situations of conflict, Human Rights Watch urges the EU and Africa to:
• Comprehensively address prevention, access to services, access to justice, legal reform and the overall promotion of women’s participation, equality and empowerment.
• Support the UN special representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict.
• Implement the full Security Council resolution 1325 agenda, including subsequent Resolutions 1820, 1888, 1890, and 1960.
• Where lacking, adopt a clear code of conduct on sexual violence and harassment for security forces and peacekeeping personnel, and ensure that regional efforts are done in coordination with already existing mechanisms to combat gender based violence.

Rights of Persons with Disabilities

The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD)—adopted by a majority of African and EU countries as well as the EU itself—explicitly recognizes the importance of international cooperation in advancing the rights of persons with disabilities. Making human rights integral to development—and the post-2015 development framework in particular—would contribute to more just and inclusive development outcomes, would encourage a focus on the poorest and most marginalized communities, such as people with disabilities, and would draw attention to the underlying and systemic reasons why people with disabilities often do not receive services, resources or economic opportunities, and prompt action to address them.

With respect to legislative reform, a number of countries within the EU and Africa, including Ghana, Ireland, and Zambia, have completed or are currently engaged in mental health law reform to comply with their obligations under the CRPD. It is important to ensure that this legislation fully respects the right to legal capacity, freedom from arbitrary detention, including involuntary institutionalization, and free and informed consent.

In the case of Ghana, for example, the 2012 Mental Health Law falls short of its obligations under the CRPD and its implementation has been slow, marked by the lack of community-based mental health services and delays in setting up much-needed oversight mechanisms. People with mental disabilitiesin Ghana face serious abuses in hospitals and spiritual healing centers—so-called prayer camps—including involuntary admission and arbitrary and prolonged detention; inadequate conditions, including overcrowding and poor hygiene; forced seclusion, lack of shelter, physical and verbal abuse, and involuntary treatment, including electroconvulsive therapy. In prayer camps, people with mental disabilities are chained—sometimes outdoors—and denied food and medication and adequate shelter. Of particular concern is a March 2014 announcement that the Ghana Mental Health Authority will launch a “clean the streets operation,” designed to round up people with mental disabilities on the streets and force them into confinement in psychiatric hospitals. This amounts to the arbitrary detention of people with mental health problems for no reason other then their disability status. We are concerned that this operation may be funded through development assistance from DFID.

Human Rights Watch urges Africa and the EU to:
• Align in promoting a disability-inclusive approach to development, particularly in the post-2015 development agenda, on the basis of the CRPD principles of non-discrimination, equality, participation, and accountability.
• Pledge that development assistance will not be used to fund programs that violate the fundamental rights of people with disabilities.
• Share good practices in implementing the rights of persons with mental disabilities as articulated by the CRPD, and to promote regular and adequate oversight of both formal and informal mental health service providers.
• Pledge to reach out to disabled persons’ organizations on the national and local level, to seek their advice on disability-inclusive policies and practices.
• Review all legislation with the aim of harmonization in line with the CRPD, in consultation with the disabled persons’ organizations in each country. Those countries that have not yet ratified the CRPD and its Optional Protocol should do so as a matter of priority.

Source: Human Rights Watch